美国的太平洋世纪 Americas Pacific Century.docx
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美国的太平洋世纪 Americas Pacific Century.docx
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美国的太平洋世纪AmericasPacificCentury
America’s Pacific Century
美国的太平洋世纪
Op-Ed by U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton
美国国务卿希拉里·克林顿
The future of politics will be decided in Asia, not Afghanistan or Iraq, and the United States will beright at the center of the action.
未来的政治将决定于亚洲,而不是阿富汗或伊拉克。
美国将置身于行动的中心。
As the war in Iraq winds down and America begins to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan, theUnited States stands at a pivot point. Over the last 10 years, we have allocated immense resourcesto those two theaters. In the next 10 years, we need to be smart and systematic about where weinvest time and energy, so that we put ourselves in the best position to sustain our leadership,secure our interests, and advance our values. One of the most important tasks of Americanstatecraft over the next decade will therefore be to lock in a substantially increased investment —diplomatic, economic, strategic, and otherwise — in the Asia-Pacific region.
随着伊拉克战争接近尾声以及美国开始从阿富汗撤军,美国现在处于一个转折点。
在过去10年中,我们向上述两个战区投入了巨大的资源。
在今后10年中,我们对在哪里投入时间和精力需要做到灵活并有系统性,从而让我们自己处于最有利的地位,以保持我们的领导作用,保障我们的利益,推进我们的价值观。
因此,今后10年美国外交方略的最重要的使命之一将是把大幅增加的投入——在外交、经济、战略和其他方面——锁定于亚太地区。
The Asia-Pacific has become a key driver of global politics. Stretching from the Indian subcontinentto the western shores of the Americas, the region spans two oceans — the Pacific and the Indian— that are increasingly linked by shipping and strategy. It boasts almost half the world’spopulation. It includes many of the key engines of the global economy, as well as the largestemitters of greenhouse gases. It is home to several of our key allies and important emergingpowers like China, India, and Indonesia.
亚太地区已成为全球政治的一个关键的驱动力。
这个地区从印度次大陆一直延伸到美洲西海岸,横跨太平洋和印度洋两个大洋,由于交通运输和战略因素而日益紧密地联系在一起。
亚太地区的人口几乎占到世界总人口的一半。
这个地区拥有很多全球经济的重要引擎,也有最大的温室气体排放国。
该地区有我们的一些重要盟国,还有中国、印度和印度尼西亚等重要的新兴强国。
At a time when the region is building a more mature security and economic architecture topromote stability and prosperity, U.S. commitment there is essential. It will help build thatarchitecture and pay dividends for continued American leadership well into this century, just as ourpost-World War II commitment to building a comprehensive and lasting transatlantic network ofinstitutions and relationships has paid off many times over — and continues to do so. The time hascome for the United States to make similar investments as a Pacific power, a strategic course setby President Barack Obama from the outset of his administration and one that is already yieldingbenefits.
在亚太地区建设一个更成熟的安全和经济架构以增进稳定和繁荣之时,美国对这个地区的承诺至关重要。
这将有助于建立起上述架构,同时使美国受益,让我们在整个世纪继续发挥领导作用,正如我国在二战过后致力于建立一个全面、持久的跨大西洋的机构和关系网络的努力已获得多倍收益,而且我们还在继续受益。
现在正是美国作为一个太平洋大国作出同样投入的时候,这条战略路线是巴拉克·奥巴马总统在本届政府就任之初便确定的,现在已经产生效益。
With Iraq and Afghanistan still in transition and serious economic challenges in our own country,there are those on the American political scene who are calling for us not to reposition, but tocome home. They seek a downsizing of our foreign engagement in favor of our pressing domesticpriorities. These impulses are understandable, but they are misguided. Those who say that we canno longer afford to engage with the world have it exactly backward — we cannot afford not to.From opening new markets for American businesses to curbing nuclear proliferation to keeping thesea lanes free for commerce and navigation, our work abroad holds the key to our prosperity andsecurity at home. For more than six decades, the United States has resisted the gravitational pull ofthese “come home” debates and the implicit zero-sum logic of these arguments. We must do soagain.
由于伊拉克和阿富汗仍处于过渡时期,我们本国也面临着严重的经济挑战,美国政坛上有些人叫我们不要重新定位,而是掉头回家。
他们寻求减少我们的国外参与,主张优先解决紧迫的国内问题。
这些冲动是可以理解的,但也是受到误导的。
那些说我们不能再继续参与全球事务的人完全是本末倒置——不参与的后果远非我们所能承受。
从为美国企业打开新市场到遏制核扩散,再到保持商务和航运的自由通行,我们在国外的工作正是我们国内繁荣和安全的关键所在。
60多年来,美国顶住了此类“回家”论调的牵引力和这些论点所隐含的零和逻辑。
我们必须再次这样做。
Beyond our borders, people are also wondering about America’s intentions — our willingness toremain engaged and to lead. In Asia, they ask whether we are really there to stay, whether we arelikely to be distracted again by events elsewhere, whether we can make — and keep — credibleeconomic and strategic commitments, and whether we can back those commitments with action.The answer is:
We can, and we will.
在我们的边界之外,人们也在揣测美国的意图,不知道我们是否愿意继续参与并发挥领导作用。
在亚洲,他们问我们是否真的会长期驻留,我们是否有可能再次因别处发生的事件而转移注意力,我们是否能够作出——并保持——可信的经济和战略承诺,以及我们是否能够以行动来落实这些承诺。
答案是:
我们能够而且一定会这样做。
Harnessing Asia’s growth and dynamism is central to American economic and strategic interestsand a key priority for President Obama. Open markets in Asia provide the United States withunprecedented opportunities for investment, trade, and access to cutting-edge technology. Oureconomic recovery at home will depend on exports and the ability of American firms to tap intothe vast and growing consumer base of Asia. Strategically, maintaining peace and security acrossthe Asia-Pacific is increasingly crucial to global progress, whether through defending freedom ofnavigation in the South China Sea, countering the proliferation efforts of North Korea, or ensuringtransparency in the military activities of the region’s key players.
利用亚洲的增长和活力是美国的经济和战略利益的核心,也是奥巴马总统确定的一项首要任务。
亚洲开放的市场为美国进行投资、贸易及获取尖端技术提供了前所未有的机遇。
我国国内的经济复苏将取决于出口和美国公司开发亚洲广阔和不断增长的消费基群的能力。
在战略上,无论是通过捍卫南中国海的航行自由、应对北韩的扩散问题还是确保该地区主要国家的军事活动的透明度,保障整个亚太地区的和平与安全对全球的发展越来越至关重要。
Just as Asia is critical to America’s future, an engaged America is vital to Asia’s future. The region iseager for our leadership and our business — perhaps more so than at any time in modern history.We are the only power with a network of strong alliances in the region, no territorial ambitions, anda long record of providing for the common good. Along with our allies, we have underwrittenregional security for decades — patrolling Asia’s sea lanes and preserving stability — and that inturn has helped create the conditions for growth. We have helped integrate billions of peopleacross the region into the global economy by spurring economic productivity, socialempowerment, and greater people-to-people links. We are a major trade and investment partner,a source of innovation that benefits workers and businesses on both sides of the Pacific, a host to350,000 Asian students every year, a champion of open markets, and an advocate for universalhuman rights.
正如亚洲对美国的未来极其重要一样,一个积极参与的美国对亚洲的未来也极其重要。
该地区渴求我们的领导作用和我们的商业贸易——也许比现代史上任何时期都更迫切。
我们是在该地区拥有一个强大的联盟网络的唯一大国,没有领土方面的野心,却有维护共同利益的长期业绩。
与我们的盟友一起,我们几十年来保障了地区安全——在亚洲的海上航道巡逻并维护稳定——这反过来又帮助创造了经济增长的条件。
我们通过刺激经济生产力、增进社会权益及扩大人民与人民之间的联系,已经帮助整个地区数十亿人融入全球经济。
我们是一个主要的贸易和投资伙伴、让太平洋两岸的工人和企业受益的创新源泉、每年接待35万亚洲学生的东道国、以及开放市场的先行者和普世人权的倡导者。
PresidentObamahasledamultifacetedandpersistentefforttoembracefullyourirreplaceableroleinthePacific,spanningtheentireU.S.government.Ithasoftenbeenaquieteffort.Alotofourworkhasnotbeenonthefrontpages,bothbecauseofitsnature—long-terminvestmentislessexcitingthanimmediatecrises—andbecauseofcompetingheadlinesinotherpartsoftheworld.
奥巴马总统在整个美国政府部门领导了一项多方面的、坚持不懈的努力,充分支持我们在太平洋地区不可替代的作用。
这常常是一种默默无闻的努力。
我们的很多工作并没有成为头版新闻,不仅因为工作的性质——长期投资不如眼前的危机更引人注目——还因为世界其他地区不断爆出头条新闻。
Assecretaryofstate,IbrokewithtraditionandembarkedonmyfirstofficialoverseastriptoAsia.Inmyseventripssince,Ihavehadtheprivilegetoseefirsthandtherapidtransformationstakingplaceintheregion,underscoringhowmuchthefutureoftheUnitedStatesisintimatelyintertwinedwiththefutureoftheAsia-Pacific.AstrategicturntotheregionfitslogicallyintoouroverallglobalefforttosecureandsustainAmerica’sgloballeadership.ThesuccessofthisturnrequiresmaintainingandadvancingabipartisanconsensusontheimportanceoftheAsia-Pacifictoournationalinterests;weseektobuilduponastrongtraditionofengagementbypresidentsandsecretariesofstateofbothpartiesacrossmanydecades.Italsorequiressmartexecutionofacoherentregionalstrategythataccountsfortheglobalimplicationsofourchoices.
作为国务卿,我打破传统,在首次正式出国访问时便前往亚洲。
在随后的七次行程中,我有幸亲眼看到该地区发生的迅速转变,突显了美国的未来与亚太地区的未来是多么紧密地交织在一起。
从战略上转向该地区,在理念上与我们保障和保持美国的全球领导力的总体努力一致。
这一转变的成功要求两党必须保持并增进关于亚太地区对我们国家利益的重要意义的共识;我们寻求发扬几十年来两党历届总统和国务卿所开创的参与世界事务的深厚传统。
这还要求必须明智地推行一项连贯一致并能兼顾我们各项决策的全球性影响的区域战略。
Whatdoesthatregionalstrategylooklike?
Forstarters,itcallsforasustainedcommitmenttowhatIhavecalled“forward-deployed”diplomacy.Thatmeanscontinuingtodispatchthefullrangeofourdiplomaticassets—includingourhighest-rankingofficials,ourdevelopmentexperts,ourinteragencyteams,andourpermanentassets—toeverycountryandcorneroftheAsia-Pacificregion.OurstrategywillhavetokeepaccountingforandadaptingtotherapidanddramaticshiftsplayingoutacrossAsia.Withthisinmind,ourworkwillproceedalongsixkeylinesofaction:
strengtheningbilateralsecurityalliances;deepeningourworkingrelationshipswithemergingpowers,includingwithChina;engagingwithregionalmultilateralinstitutions;expandingtradeandinvestment;forgingabroad-basedmilitarypresence;andadvancingdemocracyandhumanrights.
这种区域战略是个什么样子?
首先,它要求长期地致力于我所说的“前沿部署”(forward-deployed)外交。
这意味着继续把我们的各种外交资源——包括我们最高级别的官员、我们的发展专家、我们的跨部门团队和我们的永久资产——分派到亚太地区的每个国家和每个角落。
我们的战略必须顾及并适应在亚洲各地不断出现的迅速和显著的变化。
鉴于这一点,我们的工作将遵循六个关键的行动方针:
加强双边安全联盟;深化我们与新兴大国的工作关系,其中包括中国;参与区域性多边机构;扩大贸易和投资;打造一种有广泛基础的军事存在;促进民主和人权。
Byvirtueofouruniquegeography,theUnitedStatesisbothanAtlanticandaPacificpower.WeareproudofourEuropeanpartnershipsandallthattheydeliver.OurchallengenowistobuildawebofpartnershipsandinstitutionsacrossthePacificthatisasdurableandasconsistentwithAmericaninterestsandvaluesasthewebwehavebuiltacrosstheAtlantic.Thatisthetouchstoneofoureffortsinalltheseareas.
由于我们独一无二的地理特点,美国既是大西洋国家,也是太平洋大国。
我们对与欧洲的伙伴关系及其一切成果感到自豪。
我们现在的挑战是建立跨太平洋的伙伴关系和机构网,使之与我们的跨大西洋网络一样持久,并与美国的利益和价值观一致。
对于我们在所有这些方面的努力,这是一个试金石。
OurtreatyallianceswithJapan,SouthKorea,Australia
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