国际经济学第八版下册答案.docx
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国际经济学第八版下册答案.docx
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国际经济学第八版下册答案
国际经济学第八版下册答案
【篇一:
克鲁格曼《国际经济学》第八版课后答案(英文)-ch10】
>tradepolicyindevelopingcountries
?
chapterorganization
import-substitutingindustrialization
theinfantindustryargument
promotingmanufacturingthroughprotectionism
casestudy:
mexicoabandonsimport-substitutingindustrialization
resultsoffavoringmanufacturing:
problemsofimport-substitutingindustrialization
tradeliberalizationsince1985
export-orientedindustrialization:
theeastasianmiracle
thefactsofasiangrowth
tradepolicyinthehpaes
industrialpolicyinthehpaes
box:
india’sboom
otherfactorsingrowth
summary
?
chapteroverview
thefinaltwochaptersoninternationaltrade,chapters10and11,discusstradepolicyconsiderationsinthecontextofspecificissues.chapter10focusesontheuseoftradepolicyindevelopingcountriesandchapter11focusesonnewcontroversiesintradepolicy.
whilethereisgreatdiversityamongthedevelopingcountries,theysharesomecommonpolicyconcerns.theseincludethedevelopmentofdomesticmanufacturingindustries,theunevendegreeofdevelopmentwithinthecountry,andthedesiretofostereconomicgrowthandimprovelivingstandards.thischapterdiscussesboththesuccessfulandunsuccessfultradepolicystrategieswhichhavebeenappliedbydevelopingcountriesinattemptstoaddresstheseconcerns.
manydevelopingcountriesposethecreationofasignificantmanufacturingsectorasakeygoalofeconomicdevelopment.onecommonlyvoicedargumentforprotectingmanufacturingindustriesistheinfantindustryargument,whichstatesthatdevelopingcountrieshaveapotentialcomparativeadvantagein
manufacturingandcanrealizethatpotentialthroughaninitialperiodofprotection.thisargumentassumesmarketfailureintheformofimperfectcapitalmarketsortheexistenceofexternalitiesinproduction.suchamarketfailuremakesthesocialreturntoproductionhigherthantheprivatereturn.thisimpliesthatafirmwillnotbeabletorecapturerentsorprofitsthatareinlinewiththecontributiontowelfaremadebytheproductorindustryestablishmentofthefirm.withoutsomegovernmentsupport,theargumentgoes,theamountofinvestmentwhichwilloccurinthisindustrywillbelessthansociallyoptimallevels.
chapter10tradepolicyindevelopingcountries43
giventhesearguments,manynationshaveattemptedimport-substitution-ledindustrialization.inthe1950sand1960sthestrategywasquitepopularanddidleadtoadramaticreductioninimportsinsomecountries.theoverallresult,though,wasnotasuccess.theinfantindustryargumentdidnotalwayshold,asprotectioncouldletyoungindustriessurvive,butcouldnotmakethemefficient.bythelate1980s,mostcountrieshadshiftedawayfromthestrategy,andthechapterincludesacasestudyofmexico’schangefromimportsubstitutiontoamoreopenstrategy.
since1985manydevelopingcountrieshadabandonedimportsubstitutionandpursued(sometimes
aggressively)tradeliberalization.thechapternotestwosidesoftheexperience.ontheonehand,tradehasgoneupconsiderablyandchangedincharacter.developingcountriesexportfarmoreofthegdp
thanpriortoliberalization,andmoreofitisinmanufacturingasopposedtoagriculturalorminingsectors.atthesametime,thegrowthexperienceofthesecountrieshasnotbeenuniversallygoodanditisdifficulttotellifthesuccessstoriesareduetotradeorduetoreformsthatcameatthesametimeasliberalization.theeastasian“miracle”ofthehigh-performingasianeconomies(hpaes)providesastrikingand
controversialexampleofexport-orientedindustrialization.whilethesecountriesencountereddifficultiesinthelate1990s(seechapter22),thischapterfocusesontheirspectaculargrowthfromthe1960sto1990s.itisacknowledgedthatthegrowthwasextremelyimpressive;thecontroversyisoverthesourceofthesuccessinthesecountries.someobserversarguethatalthoughthesecountriesdonotpracticefreetrade,theyhavelowerratesofprotection(andmoreoutwardorientation)thanotherdevelopingcountries.otherobserversarguethattheinterventionistindustrialpoliciespursuedbythehpaeshavebeenthereasonforsuccess,andoutwardorientationisjustaby-productofactiveratherthanpassivegovernmentinvolvementinindustry.stillothersarguethathighratesofdomesticsavingsandrapidimprovementsineducationarebehindthestunninggrowthperformance.
?
answerstotextbookproblems
1.thecountriesthatseemtobenefitmostfrominternationaltradeincludemanyofthecountriesofthe
pacificrim,southkorea,taiwan,singapore,hongkong,malaysia,indonesia,andothers.thoughtheexperienceofeachcountryissomewhatdifferent,mostofthesecountriesemployedsomekindofinfantindustryprotectionduringthebeginningphasesoftheirdevelopment,butthenwithdrewprotectionrelativelyquicklyafterindustriesbecamecompetitiveonworldmarkets.concerning
whethertheirexperienceslendsupporttotheinfantindustryargumentorarguesagainstitisstillamatterofcontroversy.however,itappearsthatitwouldhavebeendifficultforthesecountriestoengageinexport-ledgrowthwithoutsomekindofinitialgovernmentintervention.
thejapaneseexamplegivespausetothosewhobelievethatprotectionismisalwaysdisastrous.
however,thefactofjapanesesuccessdoesnotdemonstratethatprotectionisttradepolicywas
responsibleforthatsuccess.japanwasanexceptionalsocietythathademergedintotheranksofadvancednationsbeforeworldwariiandwasrecoveringfromwartimedevastation.itisarguablethateconomicsuccesswouldhavecomeanyway,sothattheapparentsuccessofprotectionrepresentsa“pseudo-infant-industry”caseofthekinddiscussedinthetext.
a.theinitialhighcostsofproductionwouldjustifyinfantindustryprotectionifthecoststothe
societyduringtheperiodofprotectionwerelessthanthefuturestreamofbenefitsfromamature,lowcostindustry.
b.anindividualfirmdoesnothaveanincentivetobeardevelopmentcostsitselfforanentire
industrywhenthesebenefitswillaccruetootherfirms.thereisastrongercaseforinfant
industryprotectioninthisinstancebecauseoftheexistenceofmarketfailureintheformofthe
appropriabilityoftechnology.2.3.
44krugman/obstfeld?
internationaleconomics:
theoryandpolicy,eighthedition
4.indiaceasedbeingacolonyofbritainin1948,thusitsdramaticbreakfromallimportsinfavorof
mexico(asopposedtorecentlydeposedcolonialfirmsinindia)mayhavehelpedkeepmexicoopentoimportingcapitalgoodsnecessaryinthemanufacturingprocess.
insomecountriestheinfantindustryargumentsimplydidnotappeartoworkwell.suchprotectionwillnotcreateacompetitivemanufacturingsectoriftherearebasicreasonswhyacountrydoesnothaveacompetitiveadvantageinaparticulararea.thiswasparticularlythecaseinmanufacturingwheremanylow-incomecountrieslackskilledlabor,entrepreneurs,andthelevelofmanagerial
acumennecessarytobecompetitiveinworldmarkets.theargumentisthattradepolicyalonecannotrectifytheseproblems.oftenmanufacturingwasalsocreatedonsuchasmall-scalethatitmadetheindustriesnoncompetitive,whereeconomiesofscalearecriticaltobeingalow-costproducer.
moreoverprotectionistpoliciesinless-developedcountrieshavehadanegativeimpactonincentives,whichhasledto“rent-seeking”orcorruption.
question6involvesassessingtheimpactofduallabormarkets.thetopicisnotcoveredextensivelyinthecurrenteditionofthebookandinstructorsmaynotwanttoassignthequestionunlesstheybringadditionalmaterialintotheclassroomtoaugmentthetext.
a.weknowthatthewagesshouldbeequivalent,so,giventhat80–la?
wa,wecansubstitutewmforwa,andrecallthatwm?
100–lm.combinedwiththeinformationthatla?
lm?
100,wegetl*a?
40andtheequilibriumwage?
40.
b.sincewm?
50,lm?
50andthusla?
50andwm?
30,wehaveanetlossof(0.5)(10)(20)?
100innationalincome.5.6.
【篇二:
国际经济学(克鲁格曼)课后习题答案1-8章】
1.为什么说在决定生产和消费时,相对价格比绝对价格更重要?
答案提示:
当生产处于生产边界线上,资源则得到了充分利用,这时,要想增加某一产品的生产,必须降低另一产品的生产,也就是说,增加某一产品的生产是有机会机本(或社会成本)的。
生产可能性边界上任何一点都表示生产效率和充分就业得以实现,但究竟选择哪一点,则还要看两个商品的相对价格,即它们在市场上的交换比率。
相对价格等于机会成本时,生产点在生产可能性边界上的位置也就确定了。
所以,在决定生产和消费时,相对价格比绝对价格更重要。
2.仿效图1—6和图1—7,试推导出y商品的国民供给曲线和国民需求曲线。
答案提示:
3.在只有两种商品的情况下,当一个商品达到均衡时,另外一个商品是否也同时达到均衡?
试解释原因。
答案提示:
4.如果生产可能性边界是一条直线,试确定过剩供给(或需求)曲线。
答案提示:
5.如果改用y商品的过剩供给曲线(b国)和过剩需求曲线(a国)来确定国际均衡价格,那么所得出的结果与图1—13中的结果是否一致?
答案提示:
国际均衡价格将依旧处于贸易前两国相对价格的中间某点。
6.说明贸易条件变化如何影响国际贸易利益在两国间的分配。
答案提示:
一国出口产品价格的相对上升意味着此国可以用较少的出口换得较多的进口产品,有利于此国贸易利益的获得,不过,出口价格上升将不利于出口数量的增加,有损于出口国的贸易利益;与此类似,出口商品价格的下降有利于出口商品数量的增加,但是这意味着此国用较多的出口换得较少的进口产品。
对于进口国来讲,贸易条件变化对国际贸易利益的影响是相反的。
7.如果国际贸易发生在一个大国和一个小国之间,那么贸易后,国际相对价格更接近于哪一个国家在封闭下的相对价格水平?
答案提示:
贸易后,国际相对价格将更接近于大国在封闭下的相对价格水平。
8.根据上一题的答案,你认为哪个国家在国际贸易中福利改善程度更为明显些?
答案提示:
小国。
9*.为什么说两个部门要素使用比例的不同会导致生产可能性边界曲线向外凸?
答案提示:
第二章答案
1.根据下面两个表中的数据,确定
(1)贸易前的相对价格;
(2)比较优势型态。
表1x、y的单位产出所需的劳动投入
a
b
xy
62
1512
表2x、y的单位产出所需的劳动投入
a
b55
x10y
4
答案提示:
首先将劳动投入转化为劳动生产率,然后应用与本章正文中一样的方法进行比较。
(表2-2(a)和表2-2(b)部分的内容)
2.假设a、b两国的生产技术条件如下所示,那么两国还有进行贸易的动机吗?
解释原因。
表3x、y的单位产出所需的劳动投入
xy
a42
b84
答案提示:
从绝对优势来看,两国当中a国在两种产品中都有绝对优势;从比较优势来看,两国不存在相对技术差异。
所以,两国没有进行国际贸易的动机。
3.证明如果一国在某一商品上具有绝对优势,那么也必具有比较优势。
——题出错了证明即使一国在某一商品上具有绝对优势,也未必具有比较优势。
答案提示:
如果ax?
bx,则称a国在x生产上具有绝对优势;如果ax/ay?
bx/by,则称a国在x生产上具有比较优势。
当ay?
by或者ay?
by的时候,由ax?
bx可以推出
ax/ay?
bx/by,但是,当ay?
by的时候,ax?
bx不能保证ax/ay?
bx/by。
所以,即使一
国在某一商品上具有绝对优势,也未必具有比较优势。
4.根据书中第二个例子的做法,如果按照比较劣势的原则进行国际分工,那么会对世界生产带来什么净影响?
答案提示:
5.假设某一国家拥有20,000万单位的劳动,x、y的单位产出所要求的劳动投入分别为5个单位和4个单位,试确定生产可能性边界方程。
答案提示:
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